For Open Borders
"Our governments are trapped in a morally warped and ideologically
unsustainable paradigm. They applaud the free movement of capital;
they abhor the free movement of labour." (Gary Younge, Guardian,
19th March 2001).
Gary Younge has put his finger on the central contradiction in
the way that migration is dealt with in the global capitalist system.
Or, more precisely, how western states deal with migration from
the regions of the globe commonly called the third world.
We live in a world where freedom of movement is a right for capital
but a privilege for labour and a privilege, if not a lottery, for
refugees. A world where, on the one hand, government ministers in
the shape of Claire Short and the Department for International Development
tell us that free trade and opening up third world countries to
the free movement of capital is vital to tackle poverty and debt.
Yet, on the other hand, government ministers in the shape of Jack
Straw and the Home Office tell us that we need to build up the walls,
unleash the sniffer dogs and turn every citizen into a spy so as
to hunt down abusive asylum seekers and scrounging economic
migrants.
As well as being morally warped and ideologically unsustainable
this is also incoherent and irrational. Unfortunately that does
not make immigration controls politically unsustainable.
Systematic immigration controls have only existed for a relatively
short period of time internationally since around the time
of the First World War. When we remember that migration, in all
its forms, has been central to human experience since the human
race came out of Africa, the last century is a pinprick on the historical
time scale. However, in that time the idea that immigration controls
are necessary has sunk deep roots in our society.
There are several reasons for this, but I would suggest one major
reason. Racialised nationalism has become ingrained
in governments, not least British governments. This presents certain
racial groups as a threat to the culture and finite
resources of the nation. This idea is, of course, completely false
but it is useful to certain social forces to have a set of laws
and regulations backed up by a set of widely believed myths
which encourage a second class status for immigrants. Sometimes
a country leaves the door more open (a position Barbara Roche and
the Labour government appear to be edging towards with talk of managed
migration) and sometimes the door is left more closed. Either
way, racism remains. So, to whom are immigration controls useful?
* They are useful to those who want to exploit immigrant labour.
Immigration controls do not prevent immigration. They control the
lives of certain immigrants in the interest of employers, from multinational
corporations to back street sweatshops.
* They are useful to governments which set out to serve the rich
and powerful, and undermine alternative visions and ways of organising
society based on meeting human needs and international solidarity.
The experience of the last four years, especially the 1999 Immigration
and Asylum Act, has shown us that New Labour is that kind of government
just as much as the Conservatives were. It has shown that New Labour
is prepared to repeat the worst surrenders to racism associated
with old Labour such as the 1968 Commonwealth
Immigration Act which caved in to and encouraged Enoch Powell, and
the virginity tests of the 1970s which were carried out on Asian
women at Heathrow.
The conclusion I draw from this is that we must recognise that
racism, injustice and discrimination are ingrained into immigration
controls. They are not accidents of unfair implementation, they
are the whole point. Having recognised this, we need to argue for
it during our campaigns over immediate issues rather than
mounting a stand-alone single issue campaign against immigration
controls. This is far more preferable than censoring ourselves in
the interests of a futile strategy of trying to persuade governments
to be a bit nicer governments which have no intention of
making any fundamental change and for the most part are not even
listening.
Instead of wooing the people at the top we need to concentrate
our efforts at persuasion of the people at the bottom. We need to
encourage a different world view which promotes the free movement
of people and has answers to peoples day to day concerns.
This will include idealistic students who have not succumbed to
cynicism; volunteers in the Oxfam shops, trying to do their bit
to make the world a better place; the church-goers who are outraged
by debt; rank and file trade unionists who know that an injury to
one is an injury to all.
In this way we can build the movements which can make governments
listen or move over; which can stand up to the racists, on
the streets and in the press, and turn the tide against them; which
can send out a simple message to the migrants, the refugees and
the asylum seekers:
"You
are our brothers and sisters , youre welcome here."
Ed Mynot, Manchester Committee to Defend Asylum Seekers